The production and export of charcoal represent a colossal
loss of the country’s forests. The environment in Somalia
has already been severely degraded due to conflict and
unsustainable use of natural resources. The ecosystems and
livelihoods of the people have been heavily impacted due to
floods, famine, droughts, and climate change. Moreover,
water depletion is a permanent crisis in many areas. Illegal
harvesting of marine resources by foreign vessels and
wildlife exploitation are of major concern.
Bearing this reality in mind, the first Cabinet of the
Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, formed following
the conclusion of the Djibouti Peace Process in 2009, had
deemed absolutely imperative to address these challenges
head-on. It was the Government’s conviction then that
acceding to Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs)
would present the best opportunity for the country to join
the global community in combating the impacts of: the
climate change, the increasing loss of biodiversity, the
depletion of the ozone layer, and deforestation and land
degradation, and also bring to their attention (the global
community) the inherently dangerous consequences of the
continued environmental degradation in Somalia and its
regional and global impacts.
This has led to the Government’s accession to and the
re-activation of, among other important conventions, the UN
Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD), the Vienna
Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer and the
Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone
Layer, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the
Protocol on Biosafety, the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Kyoto
Protocol, the Basel Convention on the Control of
Trans-boundary Movement of Hazardous Wastes and their
Disposal, the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic
Pollutants (POPs), the Nairobi Convention for the
Protection, Management and Development of the Marine and
Coastal Environment of the Eastern African Region, and the
Programme for the Environment of the Red Sea and Gulf of
Aden (PERSGA).
And during Somalia’s participation in the Climate Change
Summit convened in Copenhagen in December 2009, following
its accession to the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Head of the Somali Delegation
at the Summit drew everyone’s attention to, among other
important issues, the following:
“Somalia has experienced dramatic environmental shifts
following two decades of insecurity and chaos in the
country. The protracted crisis has led to an unsustainable
use of the country’s resources. Corrupt businessmen,
warlords, and other violent radical groups, with the help of
external spoilers, have contributed to deforestation and
depletion of our wildlife resources”.
“The cutting of trees and the making of charcoal is still
considered a lucrative source of revenue for these warlords
and for the radical extremists. They export charcoal to some
of the countries in the area, where logging is forbidden and
the local forests are more protected. The revenue accrued
from this export is used in the perpetuation of further
exploitation of the country’s resources and in the
prolongation of anarchy and violence. This overexploitation
of resources and the indiscriminate cutting of trees have
led to deforestation and desertification and, as a result,
made the country more vulnerable to the impacts of climate
change. The lives and livelihoods of our farmers and of the
local communities have been seriously affected by the
impacts of the climate change”.
The leadership in the first cabinet of the Somali
Transitional Federal Government formed in Djibouti in 2009
had consistently reiterated the inherently dangerous
consequences of charcoal export at COP 16 in Cancun, at the
Arab League meetings in Cairo and in other venues, at the
African Ministerial Conferences for Environment (AMCEN), and
at the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in
Nairobi. The formulation of Somalia’s Environmental
Strategies undertaken by the Ministry of Environment and
Forestry of the first cabinet of the TFG in collaboration
with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and
Somalia Agriculture Technical Group (SATG) had underscored
the importance of, inter-alia, the conservation and
development of forest resources through the introduction of
fuel-wood plantations and the popularization of fuel
efficient stoves to reduce tree cutting and charcoal
production.
The Ministry of Environment and Forestry in the same cabinet
of the TFG had also put forth a plan that called for a
Post-Conflict Environmental Assessment throughout the
country to determine the level and magnitude of
conflict-induced forms of environmental degradation, and to
obtain baseline data on the environment following a
conflict. This would have helped in the setting of
priorities for environmental recovery, and would have
assisted in making informed environmental decision-making
processes, particularly on issues related to deforestation
and toxic waste dumping in the Somali territorial waters.
The findings of this assessment in terms of the damage
caused to the forests, for instance, would have helped in
exerting pressure on those countries which import charcoal
from Somalia to stop dealing with the corrupt businessmen
and the radical groups involved in the exportation of
charcoal.
I was personally hoping that post-Sharmarke cabinets would
build on the progress made in terms of the MEAs’ accessions
and the implementations of its various provisions. A huge
opportunity has ostensibly been squandered. The work related
to the follow-up and implementation of some of the most
cogent provisions of the Environmental Conventions should
have been relegated to institutions – both governmental and
non-governmental – and not necessarily to “individuals.” An
effort should have been made to reduce the disconnect that
exists between governmental and non-governmental actors and
promote a strong partnership. Empowering the
non-governmental actors would have, for instance, promoted
the creation of public awareness as regards the negative
impacts of charcoal production and export.
AMISOM has let us all know that charcoal is being exported
out of Somalia despite the UN Security Council Resolution
2036. Other sources confirm that boats are shipping out
charcoal from Kismayo Port and AMISOM “regrets” that this is
occurring notwithstanding the ejection of Al Shabaab from
there. Can anybody give us any explanation why the boats are
carrying charcoal under the watch of the AU soldiers without
resisting the move? If resisting the export of charcoal from
the Kismayo Port is not part of the mandate of AMISOM, then
what about the charcoal-violence nexus? Isn’t this export an
important underlying factor that induces violence in
Somalia?
Ostensibly, this export continues unabated notwithstanding
the UN Security Council Resolution 2036. The neighbouring
States that import Somali charcoal are Parties to the
Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs). They must be
held to account for failing to comply with the main
Obligations of Parties under these International
Conventions. The States that are suspected of being the main
importers of the Somali charcoal are considered to be some
of the staunchest supporters of the Climate Change
Convention, the Convention on Biological Biodiversity, and
the UN Convention to Combat Desertification. And yet they
are taking part in stripping bare our remaining forests.
Logging in their countries is forbidden and their forests
are more protected.
The new Parliament and Government of Somalia must respond
vigorously to what is happening in terms of the charcoal
export. The continued export of charcoal is tantamount to a
further fuelling of insecurity and devastation in Somalia.
The countries that have illegally benefited from our
charcoal must accept to internalize the social costs of the
environmental externalities, and help Somalia in its
reforestation programmes. They must also accept to fulfill
their international obligations as spelled out in the
provisions of the Multilateral Environmental Agreements
(MEAs) which call for, inter-alia, a response to global
environmental challenges.
The opinions contained in this article are solely those
of the writer, and it does not represent the editorial
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